Monday June 11,
2012
- As the APC party police, the OSD continues its
murderous campaign against Sierra Leoneans, not a word
from President Koroma on the rising number of people
killed by the police nor the mysterious deaths happening
right under the nose of state authorities in Freetown.
One morning, during the
rule of Siaka Stevens, reporters were hurriedly called
to State House for an unplanned meeting between the Head
of State and the press with many members of the Fourth
Estate, guessing and second-guessing just what was about
to be sprung on them. Another coup plot
discovered/uncovered?
It was not the
discovery or uncovering of a coup plot. Siaka Stevens
had called in the press to tell them of his concern and
the press could see the worry lines on the face of the
President, to tell them of the murder of one Pa King of
the Travellers Inn - an outlet that served as a somewhat
cheap motel for visitors to Freetown, mainly from other
parts of the country for a brief stay. A clearly
perturbed Siaka Stevens told the press that he found it
unacceptable that a man could no longer feel safe in his
own home and was
particularly disturbed at the way Pa King was dispatched
to meet with his Maker. The poor man was strangled with
his own bath towel.
It later emerged during
the trial that Pa King's assailants were robbers who had
been surprised by the old man after he went to
investigate some strange sounds - these men were on a
mission to do harm and steal the suitcase of a perceived
diamond dealer who had come to town for the purpose of
selling his precious stones. What the robbers and
potential killers did not know was that their quarry was
not even staying at the place.
The ring leaders were
executed by hanging after the courts confirmed their
sentences.
We have to recount this
incident to remind President Ernest Bai Koroma that he
has a duty to the people of Sierra Leone and that as the
democratically-elected President, one of his key duties
is the protection of the life and property of not only
Sierra Leoneans, but all who dwell within the borders of
Sierra Leone. And that is why we find it alarming that
despite the spate of murders by the police, he has
refused to make any statement expressing alarm nor one
that assures citizens that the government he leads
cares.
When
Musu Conteh was
murdered by OSD personnel in
Bumbuna, all he did
was to hurriedly put together a team of his cronies to
visit and try to smother the protests of workers whose
right to protest were met with volley after volley of
automatic rifle fire by a police force that appears to
have been assured by the President that as long as they
carry arms to wipe out people believed to give the
government a bad name, they would not be prosecuted for
these clearly extra-judicial instances of death-dealing.
What President Koroma did was to visit the area later for a
photo shoot opportunity with the owners/operators of the
mining concern with a view, we believe, of reassuring
them that as long as he, Ernest Bai Koroma PhD galore
was in power, they had nothing to fear from Sierra
Leoneans protesting against working conditions. (The
recently re-armed OSD would be there to kill and maim
all those who dared to protest - a right enshrined in
the Constitution).
Despite calls made by
the NGO, Natural Resource Governance and Economic
Justice for a proper investigation into the matter,
nothing concrete has so far emerged from State House
that would assure Sierra Leoneans that they are not
hostages to the whims and caprices of Ernest Bai Koroma
and his so-called investors. The organisation noted in a
press statement
"It is worthy to
note that the use of excessive force against
defenseless and peaceful citizens protesting against
the inhumane treatment meted out to them by mining
companies operating in the country has become a
disturbing phenomenon. The police are in most cases
accused of doing this at the behest of the mining
companies. This cannot be unconnected to the lack of
transparency and inclusion in corporate governance
resulting in poor regulations, procedures and
mechanisms that favour largely the company leaving
the citizens very vulnerable. In 2010, at another
AML mining site on the outskirts of Bumbuna,
landowners were subjected to unprovoked violence and
harassment as they resisted corporate abuse of their
rights. Similar disturbances between affected
property owners in the Koidu Holdings Limited
concession in Kono District in December 2007 led to
the death of two unarmed protesters and the wounding
of several others. Despite official pronouncements
from the government and subsequent investigations
carried out, not much was done to redress the
situation.
And we believe that
the government has a fundamental constitutional and
moral responsibility to protect lives and properties
of its citizens. This does not in any way allude
that we are not mindful of the government’s swift
interventions in addressing conflicts emanating from
workers protests and in helping to pacify the
ensuing tensions. But we also equally believe that
bringing the perpetrators of these inhuman and
barbaric acts to justice will further enhance
citizens’ confidence and peace in the mining
communities.
It is in view of
this that the Natural Resource Governance and
Economic Justice platform is demanding that:
1.The Government of
Sierra Leone sets up a Commission to inquire into
the violence and conflicts that have been associated
with AML resulting in the death of one Sierra
Leonean and injuries to many others in order to
establish the root causes of these conflicts and the
best way forward;
2.The Government of
Sierra Leone ensures that all parties fully comply
with the Communiqué on the recent incident in
Bumbuma;
3.The Government of
Sierra Leone and AML adopt international best
practice procedures in corporate governance by
implementing the UN Business and Human Rights
Principles and the ILO Convention on Labour Laws"
And then very recently
the OSD, (the APC party's armed wing cloaked under the
guise of a national police force) killed two youths in
the east of the capital not a word, no expression of
remorse of any sort came from Ernest Bai Koroma whose
attitude towards murder by the OSD has given the
impression that what obtains now in Sierra Leone is what
obtained under the "Kill Man No Law" of rebels who laid
waste vast tracts of Sierra Leone territory murdering,
raping and looting at will.
We had reported
previously on the UN Security Council's warning to the
government over the use of disproportionate force in the
handling of matters relating to unarmed civilians and
others in confrontation with the law over rights and
other issues - more so after the unearthing of a
clandestine move to arm the OSD police with
military-type war weapons.
Again we refer to the
brutal murder of retired Senior Police Conteh who,
together with his wife, came to Freetown to await the
outcome of a court case over a land dispute. The man and
his wife scheduled to travel back to the United States
after the judgement, were attacked in their own home
murdered in cold blood and their house razed to the
ground. Not a squeak was heard from the police, nor from
State House giving the impression to criminals and
wrong-doers that under his watch such wanton display of
extra-judicial killings/murders were alright as long as
victims were not members of his immediate family or
"business associates".
The US government
human rights report of 2011 on
Sierra Leone has noted that even in that
year there were recorded cases of such abuses and
murders
a.
Arbitrary or Unlawful Deprivation of Life
- There were
reports that the government or its agents
committed arbitrary or unlawful killings. On
June 12, Ibrahim Foday was killed while taking
photographs for a story related to a land
dispute; three suspects were detained, including
police officer Musa Samura. None of the suspects
had been charged by year’s end. On September 9,
Abdulai Sesay was killed when police fired into
a crowd during a riot. No officer had been
charged by year’s end (see section
2.b.)...Civilian authorities maintained
effective control over the SLP and the Republic
of Sierra Leone Armed Forces (RSLAF), and the
government has mechanisms to investigate and
punish abuse and corruption. However, impunity
continued.
For example,
four SLP officers were identified as having shot
and killed one demonstrator and injured several
others during the September electoral violence
in Bo. However, by year’s end none had been
arrested or charged, although several civilians
had been charged and convicted for their roles
in the violence. The local District Security
Council and others believed political pressure
shielded the four officers from accountability.
As in previous years, cases of police brutality
and police corruption remained a serious
problem. Some police and guards stole from
detainees, required bribes at checkpoints,
falsely charged motorists with violations,
impounded vehicles to extort money, and accepted
bribes from suspects to drop charges or for
having their rivals arrested and charged with
crimes.
The 2011 report noted this
anomaly in trial procedures
The law provides
for a fair trial; however, in practice,
the lack of judicial officers and
facilities regularly resulted in
repeated long delays. Some cases were
reportedly adjourned 40 to 60 times.
Trials are public, and the accused have
a limited right to a trial by jury in
the magistrate courts. Juries were drawn
from a list maintained by the master and
registrar of active and retired civil
servants and youth groups; however, the
attorney general frequently exercised
his power to determine that cases be
heard by a judge alone. Defendants
generally enjoyed a presumption of
innocence. While defendants have the
right to be present and to consult with
an attorney in a timely manner, access
to counsel often was delayed. The law
provides for attorneys at public expense
if defendants could not afford their
own; however, state-appointed attorneys
often were overburdened and poorly paid,
and indigent detainees usually did not
receive legal advice prior to trial.
Defendants can confront or question
witnesses against them, present
witnesses and evidence on their own
behalf, and access government-held
evidence relevant to their cases. Police
officers, many of whom had little or no
formal legal training, prosecuted a
majority of cases on the magistrate
level. Although the law provides
defendants with the right to appeal,
delays in the appeals process were
excessive, sometimes lasting more than
two years.
Government's deliberate
failure to act on the recommendations of the
Shears-Moses report also came under the spotlight
with these observations.
The Shear-Moses commission
of inquiry on the riots submitted its report to
the government in 2009, in which it was critical
of the ruling party and recommended disciplinary
action, including dismissal from office, for
several senior government officials. However, by
year’s end the government, in violation of the
law, had not yet publicly released the report
and took no action on those recommendations.
On other occasions
police forcibly dispersed demonstrators,
most significantly during the riot in Bo
in September during a “Thank The Nation”
rally held by SLPP presidential nominee
Julius Maada Bio. A panel convened after
the violence concluded that APC
supporters initiated the incident by
throwing rocks at and injuring Maada
Bio, whereupon SLPP supporters
retaliated by throwing rocks and setting
APC party buildings on fire. Police
initially fired tear gas and live
ammunition into the air, but as the
crowd grew in both size and unruliness,
they fired into the crowd, killing one
and injuring nine. No police had been
arrested for this incident by year’s
end.
Musa Tarawallie the
politician whose fingers could be found in all
allegations of violent conduct using state resources
against perceived and actual members of the
opposition remains in control of the police as
Interior minister even though the Shears-Moses
report recommended that he should be relieved of
such duties. One of the President's bodyguards, a
man alleged to have played a key part in the violent
assault on the headquarters of the opposition SLPP
in Freetown during which allegations of rape emerged
was recommended for the sack. This government which
has not blinked an eyelid in arraigning members of
the opposition including a sitting opposition MP is
reported to have told enquirers that it had no
authority to sack/investigate a man who was also a
part of the horde of killers that invaded Freetown
and directly or indirectly caused the deaths of more
than five thousand civilians. Idrissa Kamara aka
Leatherboot still enjoys the protection of President
Koroma.
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